Rape in prison

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Prison rape. I can guarantee you that those two words are the first thing that popped into your head when you heard you were on the way to the slammer. There is no way to sugarcoat this issue. You may be raped when you go to prison. I am not trying to scare you. It is a serious, real issue. Here are some facts:

• It is estimated that there are over 300,000 instances of prison rape a year.
• 196,000 are estimated to happen to men in prison
• 123,000 are estimated to happen to men in county jail.
• 40,000 are estimated to be committed against boys in either adult prisons or while in juvenile facilities or lock ups.
• 5000 women are estimated to be raped in prison.

Remember that these are all estimates. Most rapes are not reported. Sexual attacks in prison are considered rape when penetration occurs. It is estimated that inmates are approached with unwanted sexual advances over 80,000 times per day in the United States alone.
Keep in mind that many experts consider county and local jails to be more likely places for rapes than prisons. There is a reason for this. You are more likely to be raped while in prison if:

1. You are young.
2. You come from a middle-class background.
3. You are white.
4. You are not street smart or have no gang affiliations.
5. Physically you are of small stature.

By the time repeat or career criminals get to prison they have normally made the circuit through foster homes, juvenile lockups and reform schools where rape is very common. So by the time they actually make it to the big time they are well schooled in this fact of prison life and quite often they are the attackers not the attackees. This guide is for the person who has never done any kind of time. Do not think that rape will only happen in prison. If you have to go to county jail prior to your trial and while awaiting transfer to prison, a sexual attack is very likely to occur there. This can all depend on the area you live in. If you are in a rural area with a small jail, of course the chances will drop. But if you are in a metro area, Los Angeles County, New York’s Rikers Island, Miami’s Dade, and Chicago’s Cook being among the worst, your chances of being raped are going to skyrocket.
Especially, and this is not a racist statement, if you are white. Consider that of the total number of estimated prison rapes:

• 13% involved white inmates raping white inmates
• 29% involved black inmates raping black inmates.
• 56% involved black inmates raping white inmates.

This comes to a grand total of 85% of prison rapes being committed by blacks, with 69% of the victims being white. The rapes of white inmates are normally done by gangs of blacks and somewhat in the open so that other inmates, but not staff, can witness the attacks. The blacks involved are generally in the joint for crimes such as armed robbery or severe assault cases. One of the reasons for this situation is that whites lack solidarity while in prison and unlike the population on the outside, are the minority on the inside.

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Scenario #1. A white middle-class man, let’s say a car dealer, is picked up for sale of cocaine, and is locked into a communal cell with four black inmates, all whom have done substantial amounts of time in prison. The white man is of small stature and has no street smarts. The chances of him being raped:. Damn near 100%.

Scenario #2. Same situation only this time the white is a solid member of a biker gang that has ties to inside the prison walls. He himself has been in several times. Chances of rape in this situation: Practically zero. The black inmates are smart enough to know that they may be able to out muscle this man and rape him, but the long-term ramifications are not worth it. Without even talking to this man, the blacks’ years of experience in prison will give them the sense to leave him alone.
While I was an officer in Moose Lake/Willow River (Minnesota) prison I worked a unit that held two Native Americans, one black, one Asian, a younger white inmate, and an older seasoned inmate. When it finally came to the attention of the staff, it turned out that the young white inmate had been raped repeatedly over several months by the black and Indian inmates, but not by the Asian or the older inmate. It also turned out that no advances had ever been made toward either of those two. Note that the seasoned inmate did not join in on the rapes, but never tried to stop it either. That is just the way things are in prison. There is no brotherhood of man when you walk inside those gates.


There is a class system of three groups in prison involving prison sex.


Group #1: The predators. They are known as jockers, studs, wolves, and pitchers. These inmates will sniff out new victims and will almost always attack in groups. Of the three groups these are the inmates who consider themselves “men.” “Men” in prison have not ever been penetrated or raped; if this is done to them, they immediately lose this status. They never consider themselves homosexuals but some probably are and for their safety will never admit it, just as some of these men have been victims of sexual assault and will never admit it. A number of these inmates also don’t have much of a taste for rape, but do it to protect their own status so they themselves could be turned on.


Group #2: The jailhouse queens. These inmates actively carry on a female-like existence and will dress as femininely as they can within the regulations of the prison. There is a lower percentage of these inmates in prison and thus are cherished by the jockers. They are referred to in female terms and are called “her” or “she” by both prisoners and staff alike. Quite often these inmates will have somewhat of a permanent relationship with one of the stronger, established wolves, even though it is not uncommon for the wolf to lend his gal out to his buddies to pay off a debt or for some other reason. Other names used for queens are bitches, ladies, and whores. They will often refer to their assholes as “pussies.” I once had a queen tell me that she fucked like a woman, but fought like a man.


Group #3. The punks. Also called fuck boys. These inmates are the younger, weaker, normally white inmates who have been “turned out” by the stronger inmates. They are normally assaulted within days of arrival and these attacks will keep up until they either get protection, are locked up in protective custody, or turn queen themselves. The queens normally look down on punks with disdain. Punks are down on the same prison level as child molesters. Often they are sold to other gangs. They have an extremely high suicide rate.

Suicide rates in prison are estimated to be 15.4 per 100,000 inmates in all the states averaged out, with the exception of California, which has an astronomical 179 per 100,000. Penologists believe that the number one cause of suicide in prison is rape, with AIDS and depression from being in prison being the two runner up reasons.
AIDS/HIV is six times the national average in prison. When inmates rape, they don’t wear condoms.
You can always spot a punk in prison. Often they shuffle around like mental patients and will have extremely poor hygiene in an attempt to stave off future attacks. Rarely will they alert staff to what is going on. I approached several of these inmates while I was an officer to offer them help and they never accepted.
How do first time inmates defend against rape? They will either pay for protection, join a gang, or they can be “sponsored” by a relative or friends before they even get there. But I have seen fish (rookie) inmates so big and fucking tough that no inmate even wanted to think about taking them on.
If it happens, it will most likely happen in a dorm or shower area. But anyplace will do if it is out of sight of the officers. My advice to you if you are not protected in some way and you are attacked is to FIGHT back as hard and as loud as you can. AIDS is a death sentence, so that’s the biggest reason. The second reason is once you are raped you are considered in prison circles to have lost your manhood. If you find out you are being singled out and do not have protection, I would also consider striking first against one of the main wolves, although return violence is sure to occur. The problem with this is that you are going to wind up in the hole with maybe some time added to your sentence and things may not have changed when you are released out of segregation.

If you are cornered and things aren’t going your way, some people think that a way to avoid being raped is to tell your attackers that you are HIV positive and have AIDS. This may work as a quick fix but it more than likely will also result in you being severely beaten if not killed. AIDS in prison is a very sensitive issue with both officers and inmates. Security staff aren’t even told who has AIDS, due to privacy rights issues.

Do Not Be Passive. Stand Your Ground.
If you are young, small, and white, your chances of being attacked are higher. If you are getting middle-aged, the chances will drop. Don’t even drop your guard though.

In a minimum facility there is a much smaller chance of rape as inmates don’t want to screw up chances of their release. In maximum joints, the chance is much higher because inmates have longer sentences and less to lose. In medium facilities always remember that a good share of your fellow inmates are former maximum inmates so the chance of rape is always there with them. County jails have a very high number of rapes reported.
Many officers that you are going to come in contact with think that most inmates are homosexuals and they deserve what is coming to them and they will often turn their backs when they feel a rape is being committed. Officers have been known to allow a rape to go on if they are working in a high-risk facility and think that doing so will help keep the stronger inmates in line. I can tell you for a fact that the number one worry of all corrections staff is that if there is a riot, they are going to get fucked in the ass, the men that is; the woman really have something to worry about.
An officer that I know who was working in the Atlanta federal penitentiary in 1987 during the Cuban riot there, told me that every hostage taken in that riot had been raped.

After you’ve been locked up for a while you are going to get horny. My advice to you is to masturbate. Alone.
If you decide to get your rocks off and pay some queen to let you screw her, you will not have protection. Remember the AIDS factor. Is it worth it? Even if you decide to just get a blowjob from one of them, you risk the chance of making her “Daddy” jealous and that can open another can of worms.
Soft-core porn magazines are available in most prisons. Check out the chicks, use your imagination, and jack off in your sock.
You are trying to survive the joint. Not live in it.
Scott L. Anderson is a former prison guard.

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Prison rape is not only a physically and psychologically damaging experience, it is also a formidable challenge for correctional departments attempting to secure basic human rights within correctional institutions. A study of four Midwestern states in 2000 found that about 1 in 5 inmates experiences some form of pressured or coerced sexual conduct while incarcerated (Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-Johnson, 2000). According to Stephen Donaldson, the president of the organization Stop Prisoner Rape and previous inmate victim of prison rape, roughly 300,000 inmates are sexually abused each year (Donaldson 1995). Courts not only recognize that "homosexual rape is commonplace" in prison, but they also make a point to depart from sentencing guidelines if they believe that a convicted felon is particular vulnerable to rape, and fits the "prisoner rape victim profile" (Man and Cronan 2001).
Besides its traumatizing effects, and lasting physical and emotional damage, prison prostitution, many times coerced, infects approximately 500 to 5,000 of customers in US prisons annually, in addition to the approximately 250 to 2,500 of prostitutes themselves (Kleiman, Mockler 1987). Prison sex, including rape, infects at least 2,000 prisoners annually. Understandably, allegations are not as high as informal estimates and self-reports. For every 1,000 inmates in Texas there are 4 rape allegations, the highest rate of prison rape in any state, compared to the national average of 1.05 per 1,000. A total of 554 inmates in Texas prison reported being raped in 2004 (Houston Chronicle 16 October 2005). Consult the calculator on prison rape allegations above for a more comprehensive outlook on the prevalence of rape allegations in the US.
While rape awareness campaigns have increased inmate confidence that pleas will be heard, and prison rape allegations have jumped 200% from 2000 to 2004, the state of Texas still substantiates far fewer rape allegations than most states. Thus, many of these apparently positive increases in allegations are being ignored. In the 6 year period between 1999 and 2005, the Special Prosecution Unit of the Texas Department of Criminal Justice investigated a total of 1,054 inmate-on-inmate rapes resulting in 8 sentences, and 232 guard-on-inmate rapes resulting in 43 sentences (Houston Chronicle 16 Oct 2005). Click insideprison's state comparison to see the number of prison-rape allegations forwarded by state prison inmates across the country.
A study conducted in Australian prisons found that prison rape was experienced by at least 10% of male prisoners aged 18-25, with a small number of these victims reporting sexual assault on a daily basis. However, author Jeremy Prichard (2000) has contended that the incidence and frequency of prison rapes depends upon the unique social climate and institutional culture of the specific prison, and whether or not the prison houses certain individuals who may promote or spread sexually-abusive attitudes and the acceptance of prison rape within the prison subculture. Prison rapists, according to Prichard, sexually-abuse other inmates to gain a more powerful position in the prison sexual hierarchy, known as the "pecking order," and it is these "prisoner leaders" that must be targeted by correctional staff wishing to curb the incidence of prison rape. It is these individuals that "rule the roost," and maintain their dominance over their sex-slaves as an expression of their power and masculinity.
Participants
Targets
According to Daniel Lockwood (1978), there are "aggressors" for prison sexual assault, and there are "targets," otherwise known as "Fags" (natural homosexuals), "Queens" (flaunting transsexual), "Kids" (submissive, young sex-slaves), or "Punks" (resistant males that put up a fight at first but who eventually submits). Target-prisoners are "physically slight, young, white," and generally "nonviolent," often experiencing higher rates of psychological distress and attempted suicide in prison. Criminal history is otherwise very similar to non-targets. Target inmates are first victimized early in their sentences, usually within 16 weeks of initial confinement. When a target is raped on the first or second day of his sentence, there is a high possibility that he will become a sex-slave in the long-term, a process referred to as "turning out" an inmate.
Physical appearance is essential in determining the target of a rape, as it is often used as a yardstick for assessing how "successful" a rape attempt will be. In all cases, the younger, smaller-built inmates are targeted more easily, or those appearing most feminine. White inmates are targeted more than Blacks, because race is used a method of rationalizing one's violent domination, as in the case of minority-cultured inmates who feel that their oppression should become someone else's. In addition, there is greater solidarity among racial minorities in prison than there is among White majorities, meaning that Blacks, Hispanics, and Chicanos, for example, will "look out for their own" more often than Whites will.
Targets can often provoke violence preceding or during the commission of the rape by engaging in behaviours characteristic of "victim-precipitated homicide." In this case, targets rationalize their resistance by arguing that they are not homosexual, and prefer to appear "tough" or masculine. Many targets are repulsed at the thought of homosexual intercourse, while at the same time believe there are few acceptable options at their disposal. Following rapes, psychological crises are common in about 30% of victims. These include suicidal thoughts, anxiety, fear, depression, hopelessness, extreme suspicion, and isolation. There is also a fear of being stigmatized by other inmates as homosexual. Some targets adapt by joining "cliques," for purposes of protection, solidarity, and comfort.
It is unfortunate that many inmates must rely on themselves for protection, and not on correctional staff members, whose duty it is to protect prisoners. With an increase in self-protection groups among inmates, some of which may become especially influential and form gangs, there is also the possibility of increased skepticism, distrust, and resistance to correctional staff members and institutional rules. It is always in the correctional facility's best interest to establish a harmonious relationship between staff and inmates, yet the threat of prison rape, gone unchecked, can pose a threat to this already tenuous relationship.
According to the Houston Chronicle, many inmates who make the mistake of accepting requests for forced sex from "protectors" inexorably become "punks" who will later be preyed upon by sexual predators. Such a situation was the focus of the trial of Roderick Keith Johnson, mentioned above, who sustained years of sexual abuse, and being "traded among gangs such as the Gangsta Disciples, Mexican Mafia and Mandingo Warriors" (Houston Chronicle 16 Oct 2005).

Aggressors

Aggressors usually work in "packs," large groups with strength in numbers. Aggressors use physical violence in 50% of rapes, and much of this violence is precipitated by communication-deficits between targets and their aggressors, what was mentioned above as "victim-precipitated homicide." Aggressors usually possess a low education-level and low socioeconomic status, experienced development in a dysfunctional family headed by a single mother, and have a previous history of violent offending. A Washington Post study on rape found that because many rapists are convicted of violent offences, they are often temporarily placed in cell blocks next to those awaiting trial on nonviolent charges (Man and Cronan 2001). In addition, it all too easy in prison to assume the human character designated by the prison culture: that of aggression, of masculinity, and of predation.
Similar to the causes precipitated by a super-masculine prison environment are theories on how gang-precipitated prison rape resembles the slavery-era "lynch-mob," formed by subcultural aggression and attitudinal acceptance of sexual abuse. However, while structural or ecological issues in specific correctional facilities may indicate increased likelihood or opportunity to commit sexual assault, these features do not make the distinction between rapists and non-rapists. Nevertheless, institutional factors do indeed influence the prevalence of rape, and are being targeted in rape prevention efforts in the form of staff-awareness campaigns, increased surveillance, immediate post-rape counselling, and collective placement decisions.
According to New South Wales Magistrate David Heilpern, "Sexual assault in prison is not about sex...it is about power," in which "the penis is a weapon of control," leaving "no viable bruises or scars," and a unique attempt to enslave individuals by using shame, stigma, and terror made all the more extreme in a prison environment. Australia, like the United States, Canada, and the UK, is confronted with a growing prison rape problem, and the primary objective right now is generating more awareness. But in addition to awareness, Heilpern also notes that the community must also take some responsibility for rape behind bars, because it is the community, as well as the victim, that will suffer from improperly-rehabilitated, traumatized, and suspicious individuals being released.
However, measuring the incidence of rape within prison is a difficult task, since the distinction between consensual, homosexual sex and nonconsensual, coercive sex is often blurred. Many convicts, by virtue of their social isolation, loneliness, and insecurity produced by their confinement, actively seek out male partners of their own volition. Correctional staff definitions of rape also vary widely, considering the heterogeneity of attitudes among officers. Those who feel close to many inmates define prison rape very liberally, whereas those who maintain distance from inmates may define prison rape more narrowly, and may instead include violent rape under the category of violent abuse.
In addition, there is a degree of skepticism towards prisoner allegations. By nature of their secretive operation, evidence is often lacking in prison rape cases, and prisoners have little bargaining power and jury support in court. This is of particular concern to those filing lawsuits, who must first pass the "deliberate indifference" test proving that correctional officials "know of and disregard an excessive risk to inmate health or safety" (Man and Cronan 2001). Inmate Roderick Keith Johnson, raped on a regular basis for one and a half years beginning on the first day that he stepped into the Allred prison unit in 2000, went to a federal court to convict prison officials for failing to protect him from cruel and unusual punishment. The quality of his evidence was called into question, despite the fact that many transfers and protection-operations for prisoners frequently lack proof of victimization.
On a more positive note, concern for prison rape seems to be increasing. The first Prison Rape laws were adopted by 18 states in 1990, and by 2006, all states but Vermont now have such laws prohibiting prison rape. In 1999, the Los-Angeles-based organization Stop Prisoner Rape formed, while the American University Washington College of Law and the National Institute of Corrections implemented a joint program to more effectively prevent rape within prison. In 2003, President Bush signed the Prison Rape Elimination Act, which created a commission to increase detection, prevention, and reduction of prisoner rape. Specifically, it:

• developed national standards to prevent, detect and reduce sexual violence in prisons
• increased correctional staff's access to data on sexual violence
• made prison officials more accountable for inmate safety

Furthermore, in 2005, sexual-abuse among staff in federal prisons was given stiffer penalties. It appears that the future may hold more hope for prevention of prison rape, but, as noted above, it still requires the participation and enthusiasm of the community in order to take effect. In addition, awareness is only half the battle. Implementation and practical and attitudinal support at the institutional level is another challenge altogether, and may require incentive levels for correctional officials who successfully keep rape allegations low, or penalties to those who knowingly allow allegations to remain high.
For a critical review of the literature and evidence on the efficacy of the Prison Rape Elimination Act, see: www.nicic.org/Library/019813.
Some facts on sexual violence among inmates reported to correctional authorities:

• 8,210 allegations of sexual violence reported
  Nationwide in 2004
• 42% of allegations involved staff sexual misconduct;
  37%, inmate-on-inmate nonconsensual sexual acts;
  11%, staff sexual harassment; and 10%, abusive sexual
  contact.
• Correctional authorities reported 3.15 allegations of
  sexual violence per 1,000 inmates held in 2004.

Correctional authorities substantiated nearly 2,100
incidents of sexual violence, 30% of completed
investigations

• Males comprised 90% of victims and perpetrators of
  inmate-on-inmate nonconsensual sexual acts in prison and
  jail.
• In State prisons 69% of victims of staff sexual
  misconduct were male, while 67% of perpetrators were
  female.
• In local jails 70% of victims of staff sexual
  misconduct were female; 65% of perpetrators, male.

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Male Rape


In July, 2006, the U.S. Department of Justice released its second annual statistical report on prisoner rape. The Department of Justice’s Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) report found that the number of formal complaints of sexual violence ... increased nearly 16%, from 5,386 in 2004, to 6,241 in 2005.


Characteristics

• An estimated 5-10% of reported cases of rape or sexual assault each year involve male victims (Scarce, 1997)
• 36% male prisoner survivors assaulted by more than one perpetrator
• Most vulnerable prisoners targeted: Non-violent first time offender, gay and transgender detainees, and illegal immigration detainees.
• Force / threat used in 59% of substantiated cases
• 45% of victims were in 18-24 age bracket; 17% were in 30-34 age bracket
• 72.7% of victims were white; 11.9% were black; 9.3% were Hispanic
• 50.7% of assaults occurred in victim's cell
• 44% of assaults occurred 6pm to 12MN.
• Majority of rapes perpetrated by heterosexual males

Of course, prison rape is not the only type of gang rapes against males. Gang rapes against males have also been reported as having been committed by street gangs against rival gang members or non-members (rare), or as hate crimes against gays. According to researchers, "gang rape is more common with male victims than female victims.


Multiple sexual acts are more likely to be demanded, weapons are more likely to be displayed and used, and physical injury is more likely to occur, with the injuries that do occur being more serious than with injured female rape victims